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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

owe allegiance to the Polish Government in London. We have every con*
fidence that once the new Government, more fully representative of the
will of the Polish people than either the present Government in London or
the Provisional Administration in Poland., has been established, and recog-
nised by the Great Powers, means will be found of overcoming these formal
difficulties in the wider interest of Poland. Above all, His Majesty's Govern-
ment are resolved that as many as possible of the Polish troops shall be
enabled to return in due course to Poland, of their own free will, and under
every safeguard, to play their part in the future life of their country.
" In any event,, His Majesty's Government will never forget the debt
they owe to the Polish troops who have served them so valiantly, and for
all those who have fought under our command. I earnestly hope it may be
possible to offer the citizenship and freedom of the British Empire, if they
so desire. I am not able to make a declaration on that subject to-day
because all matters affecting citizenship require to be discussed between
this country and the Dominions, and that takes time. But so far as we are
concerned, we should think it an honour to have such faithful and valiant
warriors dwelling among us as if they were men of our own blood."
The British Prime Minister seemed to be defending his surrender
at the Crimea. " Mr. Churchill" Alastair Forbes bitterly commented
in the Daily Mail., " has to-day to face the unpalatable fact that only
one man has for the past two years dared to prophecy the capitulation
which the British Government has now been forced to accept on the
Polish question. That man is Josef Goebbels. . . ."
On the two previous occasions when Churchill had arranged for
a major debate on this Polish question he had insisted that the Polish
claims should be over-ridden on the grounds that:
" Twice in our lifetime Russia has been violently assaulted by Germany.
Russia has the right of re-assurance against future attacks from the West,
and we are going all the way with her to see that she gets it."
A Poland there was to be, but with a Governmentc friendly' to Russia,
one which would never join Germany against them—although there
had not been any instance in the past when Poland and Germany had
united together against Russia ... In fact, history had proved exactly
to the contrary. Roosevelt adopted a similar line of argument in his
report to Congress. But in his version, the Poles, encumbered with
slices of Prussia were to be assured that they need have no fear of a German
revenge, since the treatment of that country was to be so drastic and
effective as to render all offensive action by any future Germany " utterly
impossible for generations to come."
Could Churchill have been really serious when he said that the
" dissolution of the Lublin Government would endanger the success
of the Russian offensive, and consequently prolong the war with increased
loss of Russian, British and American blood ? " From this statement
it would appear that the forced dissolution of the 300,000 Polish
Home Army, undertaken by the Soviets while the battle was still
raging, had helped to shorten the war and saved a great deal of Russian,
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